Guarani Mbya

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We are a single family in origin - our bodies and way of being are the same, our language and our speech are the same (...) Our ancestors went to Brazil and our kin who came from Brazil are those who were left and they are true Guarani (Part of a speech of the political leader of the village of Pastoreo, Itapua, Paraguai, in 1997).

The Mbya identify their “equals”, in the past, through the remembrance of the common use of the same type of tambeao (a cotton garment that the ancestors wove), eating habits and linguistic expressions. They collectively recognize themselves as Ñandeva ekuéry (“all those who are us”). Despite the various types of pressures and interference that the Guarani have suffered over the centuries and the great dispersion of their villages, the Mbya fully recognize themselves as a differentiated group. Thus, despite the occurrence of marriages among the Guarani subgroups, the Mbya maintain a well defined religious and linguistic unity, which allows them to recognize their equals even though they live in villages separated by great geographical distances and surrounded by distinct national societies. With regard to the other Guarani subgroups who live in Brazil .

History, names and places

“In the 16th and 17th centuries, the Spaniards, to the extent they advanced in the voyages of exploration and in their expeditions of conquest – and the missionaries in their ‘spiritual conquest’ – they found the Guarani organized into more or less extensive territorial groupings, which they called ‘provinces’, which were recognized by specific names: Cario, Tobatin, Guarambaré, Itatín, Mbaracayú, people of the Guairá, of the Paraná, of the Uruguay, those of the Tape... These provinces covered a vast territory which went from the Atlantic coast to the south of de São Vicente, in Brasil, to the right bank of the Paraguay River, and from the south of the Paranapanema River and the Gran Pantanal, the lake of the Jarayes, to the islands of the delta at Buenos Aires”(Bartomeu Melià, 1991).

In the 16th and 17th centuries, the chroniclers used the term “guaranis” for groups who spoke the same language whom they met from the Atlantic Coast to the Paraguai. Small communities designated by the name of the river on the banks of which they built their villages, or by the name of their political chief, comprised the “Guarani nation”.

Mulheres guarani mbya na aldeia de Bracuí, em Angra dos Reis (RJ). Foto: Milton Guran, 1988.

Cabeza de Vaca (in his “Commentaries”) refers to “villages of Guarani Indians” where he stopped with his men and indigenous guides during the expedition which he undertook in 1541 from the Island of Santa Catarina to Assunção. “This nation of the Guaranis speaks a language that is understood by all the other castes of the province”.

With the arrival of the conquerors, the territory occupied by the Guarani became the stage for disputes between the Portuguese and Spaniards. In their project to increase their own dominion, the Spaniards became interested in “increasing” the territory of their “Guarani” allies, at the same time as the Portuguese tried to do the same with their “Carijó” allies, thus overlapping tribal classifications and divisions according to their own interests(cf. Ladeira, 1990, 92). The terms “Guarani” and “Carijó” (or “cario”) designated peoples who over a wide extent of the land spoke the same language, several villages being characterized as warlike and rebellious, while others were peaceful and submissive; thus these terms were employed by chroniclers and historians with no regard for cultural or dialect differences.

In the 18th and 19th centuries, the Guarani groups who did not submit to the Spanish encomenderos nor to the Jesuit missions, fled into the mountains and the subtropical forests of the region of the Paraguayan Guaíra and of the Sete Povos (Seven Peoples), these appear in the literature under the generic name of Cainguá, Caaiguá, Ka’ayguá or Kaiguá. Kaygua derives from the word ka’aguygua, which means “inhabitants of the forests”.

From the middle of the 20th Century, ethnographic studies (by Nimuendaju, Cadogan, Schaden) provided greater knowledge of Guarani linguistic, religious, and political characteristics, as well as material culture, defining the bases for the classification of subgroups which still holds today. Recently, the location of the groups and centers of “origin” and “dispersal” are criteria that figure into the classifications and subdivisions of this indigenous group. Although this classification does not correspond to the definitions of group, origin and situation actually lived by the Guarani, it should not be understood as merely a “classificatory formalism” for it points to an explicit definition of difference experienced by the Indians themselves (cf. Ladeira, 1992).

The territory presently inhabited by the Mbya, Ñandeva (Xiripa) and Kaiowa, Guarani groups that are found today in Brazil, includes parts of Brazil, Paraguay, Argentina and Uruguay. In the eastern region of Paraguay, the Kaiowa and the Ñandéva/Xiripa are respectively known as Pai Tavyterã and Ava-Xiripa. Other Guarani groups – Guajaki, Tapiete and those known as Guarayos, Chiriguano are also found in Paraguay and Bolívia.

The Kaiowa / Pai Tavyterã villages are found in the eastern region of Paraguay and southern region of Mato Grosso do Sul. Several Kaiowa families currently live in villages near the Mbya on the coast of Espírito Santo and Rio de Janeiro. Different from the Mbya and Ñandeva who present themselves as Guarani, the Kaiowa present themselves as Kaiowa.

The Ñandeva/Xiripa, in Paraguay, are concentrated in the region covering the area between the Jejui Guazu, Corrientes and Acaray rivers (Perasso, 1987) and, in Brazil, they live in villages located in Mato Grosso do Sul, in the interior of the states of São Paulo (Indigenous Post of Araribá), Paraná and Rio Grande do Sul ando n the coast of the states of São Paulo and Santa Catarina.

The term “ñandeva” means “us”, “all of us” or “our people” and is used by all the Guarani. However, it is the only form of presentation used by those who speak the dialect that the ethnographer Kurt Nimuendaju called Apapukuva and by the descendants of the Tanigua, Apapukuva and Oguauiva groups). In Mato Grosso do Sul, the Ñandeva are known as Guarani, distinguishing themselves from the Kaiowa, and in Paraguay as Ava-Chiripa, referring to their traditional clothing.

The Mbya are present in several villages in the eastern region of Paraguay, in the northeast of Argentina (province of Misiones) and in Uruguay (around Montevideo). In Brazil, they are found in villages located in rural and coastal areas of the southern states – Paraná, Santa Catarina, Rio Grande do Sul – and in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Espírito Santo in several villages located within the Atlantic Forest. Also in the northern region of the country there are Mbya families who originally are from the same large group and who came to Brazil after the War with Paraguay, when they separated into family groups and today, live in the state of Pará (municipality of Jacundá), in the state of Tocantins in one of the Karajá of Xambioá areas, as well as a few dispersed families in the Central west region. On the Brazilian coast, their communities consist of family groups which historically have sought to establish their villages in the mountainous regions of the Atlantic forest - Serra do Mar, Bocaina, Tabuleiro, etc. (cf. Ladeira, 1992). The name mbya has been translated as “people” (Schaden), “many people in a single place” (Dooley, 1982).

The Guarani population along the coast, with few exceptions, consists of Mbya and Ñandeva. According to several records (documents from the state archive), up until the first few decades of the 20th Century, the majority of the Guarani population on the coast of São Paulo were Ñandeva. Surveys undertaken from the 1960s and ‘70s, and the increasing visibility of Guarani villages, at the present moment, demonstrate that the Mbya have come to predominate in terms of numbers, along all of the coastal strip from Rio Grande do Sul to Espírito Santo. It is worth pointing out that several villages consist of populations with descendants of mixed marriages between Ñandeva and Mbya (as occurs in Mato Grosso do Sul, between the Ñandeva and Kaiowa).

The social organization and activities performed in each community will depend above all on its religious orientation which shapes the ways, representations, and experiences of origin of various subgroups, thus creating a specific profile. In villages where there are individuals of another subgroup, those individuals must respect the social and political rules and adopt the customs and rituals of the dominant local group. Even if it’s a village comprised of families of the same subgroup, not always is there a general and agreed-upon self-designation. In relation to the institutions of the national society, they identify themselves as Guarani (Ñandeva and Mbya) and Kaiowa.

Among the Guarani groups, it is the Mbya, who have come to inhabit continuous areas of the Atlantic forest. Besides the usual motive – the search for the land without evil (yvy marãey), the perfect land (yvyju miri), the paradise which, in order to get there, it is necessary to cross the ‘great water’ - , the way in which the family groups trace their histories through journeys, recreating and recovering their tradition in a ‘new’ place, makes them bearers of a common experience of life and survival as well (Ladeira,1992).

Just as the system of reciprocity and common living experiences are aspects that integrate Mbya society, contemporary factors that differentiate them from other Guarani subgroups include spatial divisions, linguistic expressions, elements of material culture (adornments, artifacts for ritual use) and rituals in which there is music and specific songs.

Population

Mãe e filha na aldeia guarani mbya de Bracuí, em Angra dos Reis (RJ). Foto: Milton Guran, 1988.

The Guarani population in Brazil in 2008 was estimated at around 51.000 people, including the Kaiowá (31.000), Ñandeva (13.000) and Mbya (7.000). In Paraguay, the 2002 Censo Nacional Indigena counted a Guarani population of 43.080 people, including the Pai Tavyterã / Kaiowa (12.964), Ñandeva (15.229) and Mbya (14.887). In Argentina the Guarani population of around 6.500 people is almost exclusively Mbya (5.500 Mbya, 1.000 Ñandeva) and is concentrated in the province of Misiones.

According to these projections, the present-day Mbya population would be around 27.380 people.

There is consensus among the authors as to the difficulties in proving population figures on the Guarani. In the case of the Mbya, a network of kinship and reciprocity extends throughout their territory covering the regions where their communities are located, implying a social dynamic that demands intense mobility (visits from kin, rituals, exchange of materials for artwork and cultivated plants, etc). Thus, technically, it would almost be impossible to count individuals. There are yet other aspects to be considered, among which are: Access to several villages or dwellings, difficulties of obtaining information in the communities, and above all the aversion of the Guarani to census-takers, for, understandably, they feel that counting is a form of State control over their lives (as was pointed out by Melià, 1997, in Paraguay, and Brighenti, 2001, in Argentina). Isolated demographic surveys undertaken in several villages, or even temporally disconnected numerical information serve more to create unfounded projections and misguided information, often considered by the Indians as damaging to them.

Genealogies constructed among the Mbya reveal that the network of kinship extends to villages located in all the regions of their territory.

Language

My sisters, my kin, our true father (Nhanderu ete)! ... Our words that come out of our mouths, it is our father who lets them go, our father who lets our speech go out for all of us and for all those who are in the world among our kin. (Part of the reception speech of Mbya visitors coming from Brazil, given by the spiritual leader of the villages of Iguaçu – Misiones, Argentina, 1997).

According to the linguist Aryon Dall'Igna Rodrigues, Mbya, like Kaiowa and Ñandeva are dialects of the Guarani language, which belongs to the Tupi-Guarani family, which in turn belong to the Tupi language trunk. The Guarani language is spoken by different indigenous groups/peoples (of Brazil, Paraguay, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolívia) given and, in Paraguay, it is the official language along with Spanish. Variations in the language are observed in pronunciation and tonic syllables (most Guarani words are oxytonic), but above all in the vocabulary and syntax, in accordance with the cultural systems specific to speakers of the Guarani language.

In villages where Mbya live together with the Ñandeva, which is the case of several villages located in the interior of Paraná and on the coast of São Paulo and Santa Catarina, Dialectical differences can be observed, especially in the cases of mixed marriages.

The Mbya Guarani keep their language alive and in full use, with oral transmission being the most effective system in the education of the children, in the spreading of knowledge and in communication within and among villages, language being the strongest element of their identity. Few Mbya (young people), who mostly act as representatives of Guarani interests before the national society, speak Portuguese with a certain fluency. Children, women and elderly people are, for the most part, monolingual.

Writing in the Guarani language has been introduced in Mbya villages with greater emphasis after 1997, due to the implantation of bilingual schools, the creation of the NEIs – Nuclei for Indigenous Education, connected to the State secretaries for Education and the Ministry of Education and Culture. Among the Mbya there are reactions in favor of and against writing in Guarani in early basic educations. It can be observed that children who are being taught to read and write in Guarani at very young ages (between six and ten years old) lose fluency and intonation in the mother language. On the other hand, reading and writing in the Guarani language, up to the present moment, forms the strongest argument of the official institutions that indigenous school education is differentiated from non-indigenous education.

Besides the normal language, the Mbya conserve an extremely elaborate ritual language, called ayvu porã, an expression which can be translated as “beautiful words”, and which is revealed by the divinities to the spiritual guides and is spoken on special occasions. The speeches given on these occasions have a peculiar vocabulary and make mention of special concepts related to mythology and, generally, analyze the present situation.

In an approach on language and the importance of the spoken Word among the Guarani, Bartolomeu Melià expresses the Idea that “the art of the spoken Word is the art of life”. Thus soul and word have the same meaning, the bearer of a soul (nhee) structures his/her life to be “the support and foundation of true words” (Melià, 1995).

Contact with the juruá [White man]

In the XIXth Century, the Mbya Guarani appear in the literature under the generic name of Caingua or Kayguá. Kayguá, comes from the term ka’aguygua, a depreciative name applied to the Mbya which means “inhabitants of the forest” (Cadogan, 1952). Hélène Clastres (1978), however, states that “the three Guarani groups - mbiá, xiripá e paim” – probably descend from the Kayguá, who, having escaped from the colonists and Jesuits, preserved their autonomy because they settled in a territory which, for a long time, remained inaccessible. Hence the denomination caaiguás or cainguás (“people of the forest”) which has been attributed to them.

The Guarani have a long and difficult history of contact (since the XVIth Century), in large part defined by the confiscation of their territory. In Brazil, the Guarani, besides having the stigma of “acculturated Indians" by virtue of their use of clothes and other industrialized goods and foods, are considered as wandering Indians or nomads, foreigners (from Paraguay or Argentina) etc. This fact, together with the aversion of these Indians to fighting for land, generally has been distorted from its original meaning and utilized to reiterate the thesis, widespread among the Whites, that the Guarani did not need land because they didn’t “struggle” for it. In this way, speculative landholding and economic interests sought to discharacterize Guarani territorial occupation, systematically denying their right to the land (Ladeira, 1992).

The Mbya Guarani refer to the whites as jurua. It is not known for sure since when they use this term, however, today, it is commonly used and seems to have been deprived of its original meaning. Jurua literally means, “hairy mouth’’, a reference to the beard and moustache of the European conquerors. In any case, the name jurua was created after contact with the White colonizers and, with time, came to be a generic reference for non-Indians (Ladeira, 1992). One of the expressions used to designate the Whites is etavakuére, which means ”those who are a majority, who are many in the world”. This and other expressions, although they are not used in common language, are frequently found in prophetic discourses or, as they say, the “language of the ancients”.

In 1910, the Indian Protection Service (SPI) was created. In 1967, it was extinguished by the military government , and replaced by the FUNAI – National Indian Foundation which, up to the present time, implements the Indian policy of the State. During the time of the SPI, in 1913, in the area around Bauru (interior of the state of São Paulo), indigenous reserves were created as a result of the attraction front led by Curt Nimuendaju to attract the Kaingang and Terena and hold back the migratory movements of the Guarani who were heading in the direction of the Atlantic coast.

After a major epidemic that decimated many indigenous families in Araribá, and being unsuccessful in attracting the Ñandeva families already settled on the coast and unable to hold back the Guarani movements to the sea, the Padre Anchieta Indian Post and the Peruibe Indian Post were created, both on the southern coast of the state of São Paulo. In the state of Paraná Kaingang and Guarani Indian posts were also established, which imposed a model of agriculture, work and development that was totally alien to the indigenous way of being, and that was based on the policy then in effect of integrating the Indians into the surrounding society. At the present time, in the southern and southeastern regions, various regional administrations of the FUNAI control the lands of the Guarani and other ethnic groups.

Besides tolerance and diplomacy, one may add characteristics of systematic contact since the Conquest, which have produced among the Guarani, very specific forms for preserving their traditions and establishing relations with the dominant society. At the costs of ancient and intense contacts with the Whites, characterized by physical and cultural persecutions, they have developed various mechanisms for keeping and living their cultural and religious traditions, thereby guaranteeing their reproduction as a people and ethnic group. Their methods do not exclude inevitable living together with the White man, with whom they always seek to maintain a friendly relation. The demonstration of respect for strange customs and religions, and the model for clothing themselves in the style of the regional population meant, not submission to a continuous process of acculturation, but rather a strategy of self-preservation (Ladeira, 1989).

On the coast of Brazil, as a result of growing pressures from the surrounding society, the Guarani lost areas that they will never be able to get back again, they went astray from their way as a result of the new highways, but they have succeeded in holding on to their villages as strategic and vital points that allow them to maintain the configuration of their space and presence near the Serra do Mar and the Atlantic Forest (Ladeira and Azanha, 1987).

At the moment, health and education institutions have assumed a greater presence in the Mbya Guarani villages, thereby establishing new forms of relation with the national society.

Due to the present conditions of their territory, the Guarani are situated in a context where external and internal pressures cause tensions and crises that oblige them to constantly rethink and reshape their contact relations. They live a major paradox which consists of suffering pressures to adopt the patterns of the national society, regarding education, health, work, living etc., at the same time they have to keep themselves ethnically and culturally differentiated in order to have their rights guaranteed, living “according to their customs, languages, beliefs and traditions”. They are criticized or discriminated when, by apparently adopting models from the surrounding society, they become like the needy population of our society, in the same way as when they don’t adopt new health and hygiene practices, or of education, constructive and agricultural techniques, etc. (Ladeira, 2001).

Despite the tolerance and diplomacy observed in their relations with the surrounding society, they attribute the precarious environmental and landholding situation in which they live to the Whites. Young leaders have taken on the tasks of moving the processes for demarcation of their lands.

Landholding situation and territoriality

Everything was free and today everything is being prohibited to us. To make a garden, as in the old days, today we can’t. But at least this piece of land that we want demarcated has to be recognized, because if they take even this little piece away from us, we will have nothing left. (...) We want a guarantee of the land to live our culture in freedom, to cultivate our culture, to teach our children and grandchildren. Because today, not having a true land for us, we can’t live our lives and our culture (nhande reko) completely. (Part of a letter from the community of Morro dos Cavalos (Santa Catarina) to the government authorities. Identification Report, 2002).

In the southern and southeastern regions of Brazil (from the state of Rio Grande do Sul to the state of Espírito Santo) there are, today, around 100 areas occupied by the Mbya and Ñandeva, besides other places of intermittent occupation. On the coastal strip of these states there are around 60 villages, of which only 16, - totaling an area of 19,075 hectares -, have had their areas demarcated and homologated by the President of the Republic. Up to the present time, 16 legal actions have been taken against the Guarani presence in these areas. In the interior of the southern states, among the 40 areas where there are Guarani Indians, the 10 areas that have been homologated are occupied predominantly by the Kaingang (Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina, Paraná) and Xokleng (Santa Catarina) Indians, while the Guarani occupy only a small portion of these areas. Despite the smallness of the areas, even several of the homologated Guarani lands still have non-Indian occupants living on them.

Comunidade Guarani Mbyá de Bracuí, em Angra dos Reis (RJ). Foto: Milton Guran, 1988.

The regularization of the areas occupied by the Mbya Guarani on the coast was a result of initiatives and projects undertaken by the CTI (Center of Service for the Indigenous People), since 1979 in the villages of the capitol of São Paulo and coast of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, and of actions by the CIMI (Indigenist Missionary Council), in the villages of the southern coast of São Paulo. Until the mid-1980s along the entire coastal strip the areas officially recognized by state decrees included the village of Bananal (Peruíbe Indigenous Post – São Paulo) in 1927, and the village of Itariri – São Paulo, in 1962. The village of Parati Mirim also was recognized in 1960, by an informal act of the government of Rio de Janeiro. In 1983, the CTI presented to the state government of São Paulo (Franco Montoro/PMDB), a dossiê on the Guarani villages of the state of São Paulo and a project for regularizing land tenure. With the interest of the state government in regularizing the areas inhabited by the Guarani of São Paulo, the FUNAI signed an accord with the government of São Paulo, on December 20, 1984, for demarcation of the indigenous areas, which were homologated in 1987.

Since the beginning of the 1980s, the official recognition and demarcation of the Guarani villages became urgent due to the growth of real estate and tourist projects resulting from the construction of the Rio-Santos highway and adjacent roads. Later, environmental pressures and disorderly occupation of the land resulting from development projects (sanitation, supplies, roads and highways such as the duplication of highway BR 101, in the south) demanded greater articulation between the Guarani and their allies, in Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul.

After the Federal Constitution was passed in 1988, gains were made in the recognition of several areas on the coast. At the same time, since they constitute an ethnically differentiated and minority population in the various regional contexts, the pressures and attempts to control their social and territorial dynamic have been constant.

Although the official administrative procedures in force are unsatisfactory in relation to the complexity of the land tenure situation of the Lands inhabited by the Guarani, over the last few years, new lands have been identified by the FUNAI. Since 2001 Guarani Lands have been identified in Santa Catarina and São Paulo, which are now under analysis by the FUNAI, or in the phase of preparation of reports. New Identifications are expected in the year 2004.

Tekoa

The Mbya Guarani have a notion of their “traditional territory” through their numerous villages distributed over a vast region including parts of Paraguay, Argentina, Uruguay and Brazil, with the sea being its earthly limit. Thus, for the Mbya, the “concept of territory” goes far beyond the physical limits of the villages and trails and is associated to a notion “world” that implies a Constant redefinition of multi-ethnic relations, the sharing of spaces etc. The dominion of their territory, in turn, is attested by the fact that their relations of reciprocity are not exclusively delimited either by their villages or in continuous geographical complexes. These relations occur in the sphere of the “world” in which their territory is situated. Thus, the Guaranis’ dominion over a large territory takes place through the social, economic, and political dynamics and the migratory movements which are still today undertaken by families of the Mbya subgroup (Ladeira, 1997).

Mbya Guarani territory or world, as a cartographic and geographic space, is fragmented and shared by different societies and social groups. By contrast, the villages or tekoa – “place where they live according to their laws and customs” – cannot shelter other human groups. The physical space of a tekoa must contain natural resources that are preserved and must allow for the privacy of the community. However, the present-day fragmentation of the villages, defined by artificial boundaries due to official and public recognition of other occupations (such as ranches, lots, roads, supply projects etc.), makes them unviable as a space for guaranteeing the very subsistence of the community. Despite that, one can verify, in various villages, a peculiar way of understanding, construction and organization of space, developed through social, political, and religious practices and the management of traditional species.

Although geographical closeness favors the consolidation of social relations among the villages, we have to remember that Guarani society has rules, customs and traditions which all members share and participate in.

The Mbya Guarani of the coast seek to establish their villages based on the mythical precepts that are at the foundation especially of their relation with the Atlantic Forest, on which, symbolically or practically, they condition their survival. These places, which are still sought out by the Mbya today, present, through elements of flora and fauna typical of the Atlantic Forest, stone formations and even ruins of ancient buildings, indications that confirm this tradition. Making villages in these ‘chosen’ places means being closer to the celestial world, for, for many Mbya, it is from these places that Access to yvy marãey, ‘land without evil’, is made more easy – and this is an historical objective perpetuated by the Mbya through their myths (Ladeira, 1992, 1997).

Social, political and religious organization

Avó e neta na aldeia guarani mbya de Bracuí, em Angra dos Reis (RJ). Foto: Milton Guran, 1988.

The places where the Guarani make their family settlements are identified as tekoa. According to the translation provided by Montoya (1640), tekoa means “way of being, system, law, culture, norm, behavior, customs”. tekoa would thus be the place where conditions exist for realizing the Guarani “way of being”. We can qualify tekoa as the place that joins physical conditions ( geographic and ecological) and strategic conditions that allow the Mbya – specifically extended families, each with its own spiritual leader - to create a political-social space founded on religion and subsistence agriculture (Ladeira, 1992, 97).

In order for relations of reciprocity to develop among the various Mbya tekoa, it is necessary then that they present certain environmental conditions (preserved forests, soil adequate for agriculture, sources of water etc.) which allow the Mbya to realize their “way of being” and apply their social rules.

Guarani villages can be formed on the basis of an extended family as long as it has its own spiritual and political leader. The population of Mbya Guarani villages varies, on the average, between 20 and 200 people, comprising family units integrated by the political and spiritual leadership. The internal spatial organization of the villages is determined by relations of affinity and consanguinety.

According to traditional Guarani patterns, the extended family consists, in principle, of the elderly couple, daughters, daughters’ husbands and grandchildren, which constitute a unit of production and consumption. At the present time, the extended family, while there may be variations in its composition, is the unit of production. However, the “ownership” of the gardens and consumption of its products belongs to the elementary family, after the birth of the married couple’s children. This doesn’t exclude service in the gardens of the wife’s father and the organization of collective work parties among the families.

Among the Mbya, spiritual leadership is exercised by the Tamoi (grandfather, generic) and his assistants (yvyraija), but it can also be exercised by women, called Kunhã Karai. At the present time, each community has a political chief, the cacique, to whom the young leaders, who act as intermediaries in the relations between the indigenous community and representatives of the State and civil society, are subordinated. Up to the mid-1990s, it was common among the Mbya for the spiritual and religious leader to exercise the role of political chief in the community. In periods of numerous difficulties resulting from contact, as occurs at the present time, this practice is impossible for the spiritual leader needs to be spared from these difficulties.

House of prayer

The Mbya (and the Ñandeva) build and maintain a house for prayer and collective rituals, opy guaçu, which is located near or even connected to the house of the tamõi.

The religious practices of the Mbya are frequent and go on for many hours. Guided by the spiritual leader, the “prayers” – made through songs, dances and speeches – also have to do with day-to-day situations and necessities (harvest, absence or excess of rain, family problems, important happenings, unforeseen occasions etc.).

The principal ceremony held in the Opy is the Nheemongarai, when the traditional cultivated plants are gathered and “blessed” and names are given to the children who were born in this period. The nheemongarai must coincide with the period of the “new times” (ara pyau), characterized by strong storms that occur in the summer. Thus, the association between the harvesting of corn and the ceremony of its “blessing” and bestowing of name-souls imposes the agricultural calendar and the permanence of the families in the villages (Ladeira, 1992).

Guarani mythological knowledge is extremely rich and complex. Among the authors who have written on it, León Cadogan, is the one who has done the greatest compilation of classic myths and stories of the Mbya. For their part, the Mbya have been incorporating into the corpus of their mythology, interpretations and events lived and remembered by them, during their history. For the Mbya daily life is impregnated by mythic relations, deriving from communication with the divinities. Thus, “the traditions are put into secular practice, according to the principles of the myths that ground the thought and actions of the Mbya” (Ladeira, 1992).

Productive system

The cycle of activities (subsistence and ritual) is defined by two time periods which are equivalent to two seasons: ara pyau and ara yma. These time periods correspond to “hot” (spring-summer) and “cold” (autumn-winter).

For the Guarani, agriculture is the structural activity of community life. One can say that, for the Mbya, the meaning of agriculture is found in the very possibility of accomplishing it and in what this implies: internal organization, reciprocity, Exchange of seeds and species, experiments, rituals, renewal of cycles. In this way, agriculture is part of a wider system that involves aspects of the social organization and the ethical and symbolic principles based before all else on the temporal dynamics of renewing cycles, rather than on the quantity and availability of food for consumption (Ladeira, 2001). It can be said that the Mbya don’t live off agriculture, but they don’t live without it.

The Guarani have traditionally cultivated plants (varieties of corn and other grains, root crops etc.) which impose greater care in observing the rules and periods of planting and gathering because, in contrast with other cultivated plants, they interact with other life activities and their reproduction is a condition for holding rituals, above all the nheemongarai. This ceremony is exclusively for traditional plants, that is, the varieties traditionally cultivated by the Guarani, which are not mixed with foreign species. The Mbaya call the cultivated plants of the whites by the generic name of tupi (avati tupi, Kumanda tupi – “beans”).

The cultivated areas, on the average, have a half to three hectares, depending on the availability and quality of the land and the labor force. They plant fruit trees and species used as remedies around the houses. They gather forest fruits and material from the forest ( sticks, vines, bamboo, straw, etc.) to make artwork, small traps and houses.

Although it is a source of food, hunting is not a commonplace practice among the Guarani. This activity involves other practical and symbolic meanings that only have continuity with the survival of the species. There are strict rules of consumption that imply selectivity and seasonality. Despite its social and cultural importance, hunting has been decreasing as a result of the fragmentation of the forest areas and other sources of pressure on the fauna of the Atlantic Forest.

Artwork is an activity that was incorporated by the Guarani and implies various stages of work. The product is considered a good that belongs to the family (nuclear family) in all its aspects (creation, worth, etc.), the whole process of producing it being considered the family’s responsibility – gathering and cutting of raw material at the right time (observing the lunar calendar), the quality of the material (natural and artificial) and the making, keeping, price, and sale of the product. The tasks, from production to sale, are distributed among the members of the family, following criteria of age, sex and ability. This activity is also part of the dynamic of exchanges (of raw material and pieces) among families. Up to the present moment, the Guarani maintain autonomy and control over this dynamic, which has guaranteed its insertion and incorporation into the totality of their traditional practices. However, the artifacts produced for use (domestic, ritual, bodily) are not confused with those produced for sale.

In a general way, the Mbya Guarani rarely seek work outside the community and when they do it is always temporary. Thus, commerce in artwork is still their principal source of income.

In the last few years, several young people have been hired by the State as indigenous teachers and health agents.

For more information, see - Ladeira: “Mbya-Guarani Geographical space: meaning, constitution and use”. FFLCH / USP, 2001.

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Caminos de Abya-Yala. Dir.: Jaime Mariqueo; Cláudia Menezes. Vídeo cor, S-VHS, 45 min., 1993. Prod.: Grupo de Estudio y Comunicacion Indígena "Lulul Mawidha; Cepaveh.

Guaraní. Dir.: Barrie Machín. Vídeo cor, Hi-8/VHS, 10 min., 1992. Prod.: Arara Films de Australia; Cepaveh.

Os Guaraní de Bracuí. Dir.: Maria Goretti Moreira.. Vídeo cor, VHS, 13 min., 1991. Prod.: Museu do Índio.

Jandira. Dir.: Luiz Bargman. Vídeo cor, U-Matic/NTSC, 18 min., 1994.

Jaraguá. Dir.: Fernanda Melfi Braga Silveira D'Avila. Vídeo cor, VHS/NTSC+TCC, 14 min., 1999. Prod.: USP/ECA

Percorrendo a trilha Guarani. Dir. Ariane Rodolpho. Vídeo Cor, VHS, 13 min., 1991. Prod.: Rossanna Prado.

Tatantin-Roa-Ete. Dir.: Rogério Medeiros. Vídeo cor, VHS, 16 min., 1991.

Visita a aldeia Guaraní de Bracuí. Dir.: Kuhkrá. Vídeo cor, VHS, 50 min., 1993. Prod.: Cláudia Menezes.

VIDEOS

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